This is a major turning point in Japanese politics. For the first time in 15 years, the ruling coalition formed by the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and its junior partner Komeito has failed to secure a majority in the House of Representatives, bringing an end to the era in which the LDP alone wielded power. The urgent task now is to implement reforms reflecting the will of the people presented in the general election.

The LDP's strength in the lower chamber fell to 191 seats, 65 fewer than it had before the general election campaign. Two incumbent Cabinet members and many former Cabinet members were among those who suffered defeats, and over half of those involved in the party's faction slush fund scandal lost their seats. The results were an expression of strong public criticism toward Japan's "politics and money" problems.

Komeito also tasted defeat in the election, losing eight of the seats it had before the campaign to bring its total down to 24. The party's head, Keiichi Ishii, lost his seat, and Komeito lost all four seats in the Osaka Prefecture single-seat constituencies the party had boasted of always winning.

Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba had stated that the threshold for winning the election was for the ruling coalition to secure over half of the seats in the lower house, but it fell short of this goal. It is evident that the current administration failed to win the confidence of the people. As leader of the administration, the prime minister bears a heavy responsibility.

Prime minister's base weakened

In a news conference the day after the lower house election, Prime Minister Ishiba expressed his will to continue leading the administration. He stressed that amid current economic conditions and the state of the security environment, "national politics must not be allowed to stagnate, even for a moment. "

In spite of its poor results, the LDP remains the party with the most seats in the House of Representatives, and it aims to continue a coalition government together with Komeito, with which it has reaffirmed an agreement on policy.

The prime minister's political support base, however, is extremely weak. Opposition parties now occupy more than half the seats in the lower house, and if a no-confidence motion against the Ishiba Cabinet is submitted, it could be passed. There is no doubt there will be severe pressure in managing the administration.

The most pressing issue at hand is drastic reform of political funding.

In response to the LDP's slush fund scandal, the Political Funds Control Act was revised, but there remain many loopholes. The law should be revised again during an extraordinary session of the Diet to make political funds transparent.

Under current revisions, the use of political activity funds, which remain opaque, must be disclosed after 10 years. The LDP has persistently resisted abolishing these funds.

Following his party's disastrous losses in the general election, the prime minister is now attempting to change course, saying that revisions "will be implemented swiftly across party lines."

The opposition is demanding abolishment of corporate and group donations, the swift establishment of a third-party organization to monitor political funds, and the disclosure of how Diet members spend their research, public relations and visiting allowances (formerly known as communications, transportation and visiting allowances), which total 1 million yen (about $6,520) per month. Legislators must urgently reach a conclusion on these matters.

Those in power have set loose rules on issues involving "politics and money" and justified their own law-skirting activities as "not illegal." The slush fund scandal has exposed just how out of touch the LDP's internal logic is with the common sense of the people.

The prime minister promised that all internal logic would go out the window when implementing reforms. However, the fact that he has prioritized party interests since assuming office raises doubts about whether such reforms are feasible.

Deliberation reflecting the public's will

In the current political environment where the ruling and opposition parties are evenly matched, it is essential to find and reach consensuses oriented toward the public through tense debate.

The ruling and opposition parties are aligned on the need for a supplementary budget to counter rising commodity prices and other issues. At the end of the year, a draft budget for the coming fiscal year will be prepared.

With the LDP-Komeito coalition having become a minority in the House of Representatives, the prime minister has indicated that he is ready to seek a "partial coalition," obtaining cooperation from opposition parties on a policy-by-policy basis. This suggestion was made with opposition forces including the Democratic Party for the People and Nippon Ishin (the Japan Restoration Party) in mind.

However, it is no easy task to overcome policy differences. The parties must avoid focusing on seat numbers just to maintain administrative power or stirring up partisan opposition with next summer's House of Councillors election in mind, and end up devolving into a form of politics where nothing can be decided.

Voter turnout in the Oct. 27 lower house election was 53.85% in single-seat constituencies, the third-lowest in the postwar period. During the campaign, many party camps noted a lack of enthusiasm among voters.

The fact that around half of those eligible did not exercise their right to vote is perhaps a reflection of the feeling among many that even if they go to vote, politics isn't going to change.

First of all, the government must make efforts to dispel this deep-rooted distrust toward politics.

The results of the general election, with the Diet now structured to reflect the public's will diversely, offer an opportunity to recover a healthy democracy.

The nation must pursue a form of parliamentary politics that aims to achieve consensus through thorough debate.